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War & Peace

The particular way I’ve been attempting to address war, consumerism, and entertainment – as alternative liturgies to the liturgy of the Gospel community – owes a great deal to the writing of James K.A. Smith.

As Smith explains in this selection from Desiring the Kingdom, such cultural criticism serves as a sort of modern apocalyptic, an attempt to look anew at the empire and break through our sense of uncritical familiarity.

“One of the reasons I’m describing cultural practices and institutions as liturgies is to raise the stakes: I want to give you a heightened awareness of the religious nature of many of the cultural institutions we inhabit that you might not otherwise think of as having anything to do with Christian discipleship.

By religious I mean that they are institutions that command our allegiance, that vie for our passion, and that aim to capture our heart with a particular vision of the good life. They don’t want to just give us entertainment or an education; they want to make us into certain kinds of people.

So one of the most important aspects of this theology of culture is first a moment of recognition: recognizing cultural practices and rituals as liturgies. We need to recognize that these practices are not neutral or benign, but rather intentionally loaded to form us into certain kinds of people – to unwittingly make us disciples of rival kings and patriotic citizens of rival kingdoms.

Seeing the world and our culture in this way requires a kind of wake-up call, a strategy for jolting us out of our humdrum familiarity and comfort with these institutions in order to see them for what they are. Interestingly, Scripture has a way of doing this: it’s called apocalyptic literature.

Apocalyptic literature – the sort you find in the strange pages of Daniel and the book of Revelation – is a genre of Scripture that tries to get us to see (or see through) the empires that constitute our environment, in order to see them for what they really are.

Unfortunately, we associate apocalyptic literature with end-times literature, as if its goal were a matter of prediction. But this is a misunderstanding of the biblical genre; the point of apocalyptic is not prediction but unmasking – unveiling the realities around us for what they really are. So apocalyptic literature is a genre that tries to get us to see the world on a slant and thus see through the spin…

What we need, then, is a kind of contemporary apocalyptic – a language and a genre that sees through the spin and unveils for us the religious and idolatrous character of the contemporary institutions that constitute our own milieu.”

- from Desiring the Kingdom, pg. 90-92.

Flesh torn from flesh.

Whips, fists, and jeers adding to the torture. 

A crown of thorns pressed down. 

Nails pierced through hands and feet. 

Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ was nothing if not explicit about the violence of Good Friday.

But this dramatic portrayal was in a sense nothing new; it came as part of a long tradition of reenacting the crucifixion that stretches back to the Middle Ages.

Over time, these reenactments became known as passion plays.

They served as a reminder of the sacrifice, the pain and suffering the Messiah underwent on our behalf, and the victory on the other side of apparent defeat.

They also developed a darker side, and were at times manipulated to stoke hatred against Jews or enemies of Christendom.

Used for good or ill, passion plays were not primarily interested in making a cognitive argument. They were appealing to the emotions, the heart, and the imagination.

I want to suggest that, in much the same way, war movies have come to serve as secular passion plays. 

While not making a cognitive argument for war (few of us would pack a theater for such a lecture), war movies appeal on a deeper level – shaping our hearts and our imaginations.

We are reminded of the sacrifice of war (which I would argue is itself an alternative liturgy to the sacrifice of Christ), the glory of battle, and the honor of dying and killing (or having others die and kill on our behalf).

It matters little if the war depicted involves our particular empire or nation-state. If it does so much the better, but on an emotional level the connection is easy enough to make.

Whether the movie features an established power confronting a rising threat, or a band of courageous rebels taking on the system, both feed into the narrative of empire, and both serve to legitimate war on a precognitive level so convincing we can hardly imagine an alternative.

As we leave the theater we remember the sacrifice, are encouraged never to let it be in vain by failing to repeat the sacrifice when war approaches in our generation, and are thereby told again of the necessity of the sacrificial system as a whole, all while being awakened once more to an awareness of who our enemies are.

Even (and perhaps especially) if such explicitly religious language never enters our minds, the liturgy of this secular passion play does its job well.

Now none of this means I expect to never watch another war movie, anymore than I expect never to return to the mall which has its own set of liturgical practices. But it is important that we realize we are being taught by such films, not on the level of a lecture but on the level of the heart and the imagination, on the level of myth.

I think it might be worth clarifying that I have don’t mean to suggest that media and entertainment are always and inherently oppressive. I too enjoy my share of television programs – and if you saw me on a day when a new Doctor Who episode airs you might say that ‘enjoy’ is an understatement.

My concern is more with how we use entertainment, and the specific roles that it has come to play in society.

In particular I am concerned because of how easily entertainment media,

1. Legitimates the narrative of empire: From the rarely challenged assumption that violence is just if done by the “good guys” of a film or TV show, to the consumerist utopia laid out in our profiles of the rich and famous (from ET to Cribs) – media often serves to promote the exceptionalism that says the empire is (of course!) what everyone would want if they were educated/successful/pious/etc.

2. Provides the illusion that we are theologically, politically, or socially engaged: TV and social media are mostly unable to sustain such serious dialogue, both rely too heavily on image, brevity, and the sense of constantly being entertained. They have other uses, good uses even, but I think that we often deceive ourselves into thinking we are engaged just because we posted a link, watched a debate, or argued with someone online. Such actions allow us to imagine we’ve done something without demanding much in the way of critical thought or real sacrifice.

3. Numbs us to our own participation in the injustices of empire: The way that media so often glorifies war and consumerism serves to justify them with an emotional appeal that bypasses thought or debate. We might not actively kill, exploit, invade, or exclude, but others are doing so on our behalf and media is often used as a way to justify such actions so we can absolve ourselves from the difficult ethical dilemma of our own proxy participation in that system.

Again, I’m not suggesting that media or entertainment are inherently tools of empire, simply that they are easy to twist into such a use, and often are. In much the same way that food or sex can be used in life giving ways or destructive (and escapist) ways – so can entertainment.

As I continue to contemplate the ways that war, consumerism, and entertainment have come to play a central – and often religious – role in our society, I find myself turning repeatedly to the prophetic voice of Wendell Berry.

In this brilliant selection from his 2002 essay Conservationist and Agrarian, Berry critiques the instability of an economy that relies on the overspending of its people (long before that played out the Great Recession of 2008), and the correlated power that corporations have gained in our political process (almost decade before the Citizens United debacle).

“I have spent my life on two losing sides. As long as I have been conscious, the great causes of agrarianism and conservation, despite local victories, have suffered an accumulation of losses, some of them probably irreparable – while the third side, that of land-exploiting corporations, has appeared to grow ever richer.

I say “appeared” because I think their wealth is illusory. Their capitalism is based, finally, not on the resources of nature, which it is recklessly destroying, but on fantasy. Not long ago I heard an economist say, “If the consumer ever stops living beyond their means, we’ll have a recession.” And so the two sides of nature and the rural communities are being defeated by a third side that will eventually be found to have defeated itself.

Perhaps in order to survive its inherent absurdity, the third side is asserting its power as never before; by its control of politics, of public education, and of the media; by its dominance of science; and by biotechnology which it is commercializing with unprecedented haste and aggression in order to control totally the world’s land-using economics and its food supply. 

The massive ascendancy of corporate power over democratic process is probably the most ominous development since the end of World War II, and for the most part “the free world” seems to be regarding it as merely normal.” 

War has captured our collective imagination. This is the first significant obstacle to a church that would proclaim that Christ has abolished war – we can hardly begin to picture a world without it. 

So, for us to even have this conversation, we must unveil the ways in which the narrative of war has permeated our language, our art, our history-writing, and our imagination. And then the church must offer an alternative to war that is as grand, as morally compelling.

A helpful voice in showing us our own addiction to the culture of war is former war correspondent Chris Hedges. Here is a brilliant, and disturbing, selection from his book War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning.

“I learned early on that war creates its own culture. The rush of battle is a potent and often lethal addiction, for war is a drug, one I ingested for many years. It is peddled by myth makers – historians, war correspondents, film makers, novelists, and the state – all of whom endow it with qualities it often does possess: excitement, exoticism, power, chances to rise above our small stations in life and a bizarre and fantastic universe that has a grotesque and dark beauty.

It dominates culture, distorts memory, corrupts language, and infects everything around it… The enduring attraction of war is this: even with its destruction and carnage it can give us what we long for in life. It can give us purpose, meaning, a reason for living. Only when we are in the midst of conflict does the shallowness and vapidness of much of our lives become apparent. Trivia dominates our conversations and increasingly our airwaves. And war is an enticing elixir. It gives us a resolve, a cause. It allows us to be noble.”

Until we realize how deeply war has ingrained itself into our imaginations, I fear that any talk of Christians being called to peace-making will be instinctively heard as utopian dreaming and inherently wrongheaded.

Over the weekend I was present for a discussion that perfectly illustrates my concern with how uncritically we assume that faith is compatible with war and nationalism.

An article was being passed around the living room during a family gathering, and as each person finished it they would, in turn, register their frustration and anger at the perceived injustice the article pointed out

That injustice?

Apparently the government vetoed some language that was going to be featured on new war memorials because it was overtly religious and, in the administration’s opinion, violated the separation of church and state.

Now I have my doubts about the ideological slant of the magazine, but the event in question probably did take place on at least something like those lines. But here is what worries me; what does it say about our understanding of faith, war, and nation that we would want to baptize war memorials with religious language in the first place?

Whether such language on our nation’s memorials would violate the sanctity of the secular state is not my concern – what about the possibility that placing religious language on monuments to mass killings and the exercise of violent state power violates the sanctity of the Bride of Christ?

Christ who called us to turn the other cheek, Christ who told Peter to lay down the sword, Christ who insisted that we go the second mile with the oppressor and not resist evil with evil.

How is it that the tension between the message of Christ and our embrace of war seems to be so easily ignored? Shouldn’t we at least see the necessity of asking the question, instead of somehow convincing ourselves that faith and war fit together so easily?

And that’s why I keep pressing this issue lately. I don’t expect everyone to agree with me, far from it, but I do think we need to wake up to the tension.

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